"I dream of falling asleep today and waking up tomorrow with a Russian passport in my hands!" a man said with a smile at a polling station on the day of the people's referendum in Donetsk.
The head of the election commission at that polling station, a woman of about 50, nodded in agreement: "You see, for me, this is a celebration..." Her eyes glistened with tears. "Yes, a celebration with tears in my eyes." She spoke at length about the pain and hopes she carried, her dreams, the difficult history of the Soviet people, and her hope for a better life. It was the same sentiment that echoed in the conversations of voters across Donetsk as they cast their ballots in the people's referendum.
A Celebration of Unity
On the morning of May 11, many residents of Donetsk Region dressed in their best clothes, gathered their families, brought their children, and "armed" themselves with balloons and flowers as they went to express their views on the status of their homeland. Long lines formed at polling stations, and at times, the election commissions struggled to keep up.
However, the large queues were not only due to the region's population turning out en masse to support the referendum but also because only half the usual number of polling stations were open.
There were also some disputes: people would habitually go to the polling stations where they had always voted in presidential and parliamentary elections, only to find that their names were listed at different locations. According to election commission heads where such incidents occurred, these misunderstandings were quickly resolved.
However, the large queues were not only due to the region's population turning out en masse to support the referendum but also because only half the usual number of polling stations were open.
There were also some disputes: people would habitually go to the polling stations where they had always voted in presidential and parliamentary elections, only to find that their names were listed at different locations. According to election commission heads where such incidents occurred, these misunderstandings were quickly resolved.
At the same time, the absence of independent observers and some confusion in the voter lists made it possible for determined individuals to cast their "yes" or "no" vote multiple times. There were even reports that some people managed to negotiate voting without a passport — or even on behalf of someone else.
"I don’t rule out that some people may have voted more than once. Yes, that probably happened," commented Roman Lyagin, the head of the Central Election Commission of the "young republic." "But it was by no means the norm. Such incidents had absolutely no impact on the result — they accounted for mere fractions of a percent. That number didn’t decide or define anything."
Volunteers in Balaclavas
Instead of independent observers, the leaders of the DPR decided to strengthen polling stations with security personnel — they feared provocations from Bandera supporters. The guards consisted of sturdy men, often wearing balaclavas and armed with clubs, with some even carrying firearms. Like the members of the election commissions, they stood watch from 8:00 a.m. until the polls closed, without breaks and without pay.
"We're not being paid for this — we came to work voluntarily," assured the tired women from the election commission at a polling station in central Donetsk. "We heard the call for volunteers under the regional administration building — and we signed up. Everyone here is local."
The guards mentioned that they had also been sent by the Donetsk Regional Administration. Judging by their appearance and armament, there was little reason to doubt it.
The guards mentioned that they had also been sent by the Donetsk Regional Administration. Judging by their appearance and armament, there was little reason to doubt it.
A notable innovation during the referendum was the organization of open-air polling stations. For example, one voting station was set up in a tent directly at the central barricade near the Donetsk Regional Administration building. This station, called "Special Polling Station No. 2," was meant for militia members who had come to Donetsk from the region and couldn’t leave their 24-hour posts at the regional administration to travel home and vote at their registered addresses.
The first special polling station was located on Teatralny Avenue, and according to the deputy chairman of the election commission for that station, Roman Manekin, local residents from nearby houses could also cast their votes there. At the special polling stations, voting did not require pre-registration or voter lists — only passport information was needed.
The first special polling station was located on Teatralny Avenue, and according to the deputy chairman of the election commission for that station, Roman Manekin, local residents from nearby houses could also cast their votes there. At the special polling stations, voting did not require pre-registration or voter lists — only passport information was needed.
To the Sound of the Chimes
Despite the promises of election commissions and the DPR Central Election Commission leaders, the press was barred from observing the vote count at most polling stations in Donetsk. Nevertheless, just an hour and a half after the referendum ended — at 11:30 p.m. — Roman Lyagin held a press conference.
It was expected that he would announce preliminary voter turnout figures, but the co-chair of the CEC immediately stated: "Given the extreme escalation of the situation and the intensifying armed clashes in the region, we felt it was our duty to announce the results as early as possible. Counting the ballots turned out to be surprisingly easy: there were relatively few people who voted against, and the percentage of spoiled ballots was also small. Therefore, we were able to complete the vote count quickly and efficiently." By midnight, Donetsk Region already knew: the referendum was a success. In support of the act on the DPR, 89.07% of Donetsk residents voted "Yes."
"Against" — 10.17% of voters.
Spoiled ballots accounted for 0.74%.
"Against" — 10.17% of voters.
Spoiled ballots accounted for 0.74%.
Just like on New Year’s Eve, when the chimes ring in a new beginning, Donetsk Region began counting down to a new independent life. Of course, no one in Donetsk woke up the next morning with a Russian passport in hand, but they certainly awoke in a new country. New — because life would never again be the same as it was in Ukraine before the Donetsk referendum.
The Problem of Non-Recognition
On the very first day of the "young republic's" existence, all the challenges its people would face became apparent. First, apart from the supporters of the Donetsk People’s Republic, its independence was, for the time being, recognized only by Moscow.
Of course, for Donetsk "republicans," recognition from the Kremlin was the only recognition that mattered. They were well aware that the rest of the world would refuse to acknowledge a republic born through a process that was not entirely legal.
"We know and fully understand that the referendum will not be recognized globally. European organizations and states across the world will not recognize it. But we hoped to be heard. That’s why we held a people's referendum, powered by the will of the people," said DPR CEC head Roman Lyagin on the night of the referendum.
Of course, for Donetsk "republicans," recognition from the Kremlin was the only recognition that mattered. They were well aware that the rest of the world would refuse to acknowledge a republic born through a process that was not entirely legal.
"We know and fully understand that the referendum will not be recognized globally. European organizations and states across the world will not recognize it. But we hoped to be heard. That’s why we held a people's referendum, powered by the will of the people," said DPR CEC head Roman Lyagin on the night of the referendum.
When statements from the U.S. and EU countries emerged, declaring their non-recognition of the Donetsk plebiscite, the DPR leaders immediately interpreted this as "factual recognition" — based on the fact that the world was talking about it at all.
A pressing question that dawned on most people on referendum day was who would lead the Donetsk People’s Republic. The existing "people's council" had formed spontaneously, and the leaders of the militia were the same figures who had led the rallies back in March.
A pressing question that dawned on most people on referendum day was who would lead the Donetsk People’s Republic. The existing "people's council" had formed spontaneously, and the leaders of the militia were the same figures who had led the rallies back in March.
According to assurances from DPR people's council co-chairs Roman Lyagin and Denis Pushilin, all current leaders of the republic would be re-elected. The date for electing a new government remained unknown — there were only assumptions that elections would be held in late summer or fall. Until then, all militia leaders would hold the status of a "provisional government." Pavel Gubarev, the famous "people's governor" of Donetsk, who had recently been released from prison, would also be given a temporary leadership role. However, his position would be different, as Denis Pushilin stated, "There will be no governors here." According to the DPR's proclamation, the highest state authority in the republic would be the Supreme Council.
Shortly before the May 11 referendum, the public had been prepared for another vote on May 18, where the people could express their opinion on which country — Russia or Ukraine — they wanted the newborn republic to "join." However, on the day of the referendum, all plans for a second plebiscite were canceled.
"As of now, we have gained sovereignty, the right to use it, and the ability to make our own decision: to enter into federative or confederative relations with any country. Which country that will be will be determined after consultations with experts," Denis Pushilin stated after the vote count.
When asked whether the next referendum would still take place on May 18, he responded firmly: "No, there will be no referendum."
An hour later, while reading the proclamation of the Donetsk People's Republic, he formally appealed to the Russian Federation to consider the DPR's accession to its territory.
"As of now, we have gained sovereignty, the right to use it, and the ability to make our own decision: to enter into federative or confederative relations with any country. Which country that will be will be determined after consultations with experts," Denis Pushilin stated after the vote count.
When asked whether the next referendum would still take place on May 18, he responded firmly: "No, there will be no referendum."
An hour later, while reading the proclamation of the Donetsk People's Republic, he formally appealed to the Russian Federation to consider the DPR's accession to its territory.
By the way, the leaders of the people's militia emphasized that they had no intention of negotiating with Kiev at all. "The only negotiation topic with Kiev that can be discussed right now is the exchange of hostages — nothing more. And even then, only with mediators involved. We see the Russian Federation as the mediator. This is a necessary measure because Kiev's words and signatures mean nothing at this point — it’s a farce," Denis Pushilin declared firmly. Even the calls from the Russian government, which hoped for a civilized dialogue on the "practical implementation of the referendum results" between Kiev, Donetsk, and Lugansk, failed to sway the interim DPR leaders.
Questions surrounding the economic and social spheres remain entirely unclear. How will the new republic's tax system function? How will salaries for public sector workers and pension payments be ensured? How will trade relations with exporting countries develop? Even the question of what kind of diplomas students from local universities will receive remains unanswered. The DPR leaders have yet to provide clear answers to these pressing issues. The only guarantees they offered were that they "would not tolerate fascism, chauvinism, or racism" and that they would "respect all religious denominations."
"Economic and social issues are the next steps. We already have at least three working groups dedicated to resolving these matters... But that will come a bit later. Today is a historic day for us," stated Denis Pushilin, co-chair of the newly formed republic, after announcing the referendum results.
"Economic and social issues are the next steps. We already have at least three working groups dedicated to resolving these matters... But that will come a bit later. Today is a historic day for us," stated Denis Pushilin, co-chair of the newly formed republic, after announcing the referendum results.
This article is based on the author's personal archives.
